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the empty lot where the richardson house once stood in cambridge; pine and cedar streets today.
But Richardson had relocated to New York City two years before the 1967 rally and, without her at the helm, the situation was particularly tenuous. She attended SNCC meetings in other cities, and while her efforts were supported, the paradoxes of Cambridge made it difficult for people to realize the depth of Richardson’s tasks and the chaos that would befall the town. “At one point,” the local Cambridge paper reported, “gunshots came so frequently that it sounded like action on a battlefield.” The Guard returned July 12. “There is a lot more history here, especially history that reflects the power of strong, black women.” I always felt there was somebody looking after us, some higher power.” “She had a presence about her, and I was in awe of her. When she took to the streets, Cambridge’s restaurants, schools, and public facilities had yet to be integrated. CNAC reached out to the Rev. A bucket brigade of residents battled the fire and pleaded with firefighters to help, to no avail. In May of 1964, the DBCA, looking to counter CNAC’s momentum, brought George Wallace to town. CNAC continued picketing the downtown business district and issued a list of demands to the mayor and city council. Richardson’s example stirred those around her, people like Shirley S. Jackson, who couldn’t be on the front lines at the sit-ins due to concerns she’d be singled out and fired from her job at the state hospital. “Negroes, Whites Try to Storm Opposite Sections of Cambridge: Guns Drawn, Bottles Thrown as Police Hold Off Mobs,” read The Sun’s headline on July 11. At the time, the lack of access and opportunity for most of the town’s black residents—living largely on the west side of the unfortunately named Race Street, Cambridge’s unofficial dividing line—led to frustration and occasional confrontations in the working class, crabbing and canning town. In a rare moment of compromise, she arrived to the event in a jean skirt—figuring that would suffice. Two years later, she followed in horror the news accounts of Cambridge burning. “I remember thinking, ‘Why should voters decide whether we can go into a restaurant or not?’” says Richardson, who was honored during a Tribute to Negro Women Fighters for Freedom at the March on Washington. All demonstrations were banned, and bayonet-wielding troops dispersed crowds in the Second Ward. They returned to Cambridge and, with SNCC’s blessing, formed the Cambridge Nonviolent Action Committee (CNAC). The setbacks strengthened Richardson’s resolve and toughened her. RICHARDSON, Gloria B. Gloria died. protest,” Kennedy said during a press conference. Martin Luther King, Jr. underestimated her impact, too. Cambridge’s wins demonstrated how a combination of direct action protest and data could help bring resources to communities—and that a woman could be at the lead of all of it. . The students grew discouraged after a few months, when their message fell on deaf ears and their peaceful approach was met with violence. A Cambridge native who returned to town after serving in the military and living in Chicago, Banks co-founded the nonprofit Eastern Shore Network for Change (ESNC) with local attorney Kisha Petticolas in 2012. The national guard on pine street the day after the 1967 riot. Born in 1922, Richardson grew up in Cambridge, Maryland —among the few areas of the U.S. that wasn’t entirely under the reign of Jim Crow’s terror.
I feel like it’s my responsibility to embody these things for a new generation. Nevertheless, the forces she was up against were as insidious and violent as those that made Selma, AL a household name.As she witnessed youth confronting the police and refusing to post bail after being arrested in order to protest a corrupt system, Richardson committed herself to deepening her political knowledge and her own leadership.Soon, Richardson became the head of the Cambridge Movement, a multigenerational initiative that dispatched research teams throughout the community to survey black poverty and, with the help of then Attorney General Robert Kennedy, to ensure that resources flowed into the town. . Richardson initiated a series of negotiations with Robert Kennedy about the federal government’s responsibility to help Cambridge residents come out from under Jim Crow.
the empty lot where the richardson house once stood in cambridge; pine and cedar streets today.
But Richardson had relocated to New York City two years before the 1967 rally and, without her at the helm, the situation was particularly tenuous. She attended SNCC meetings in other cities, and while her efforts were supported, the paradoxes of Cambridge made it difficult for people to realize the depth of Richardson’s tasks and the chaos that would befall the town. “At one point,” the local Cambridge paper reported, “gunshots came so frequently that it sounded like action on a battlefield.” The Guard returned July 12. “There is a lot more history here, especially history that reflects the power of strong, black women.” I always felt there was somebody looking after us, some higher power.” “She had a presence about her, and I was in awe of her. When she took to the streets, Cambridge’s restaurants, schools, and public facilities had yet to be integrated. CNAC reached out to the Rev. A bucket brigade of residents battled the fire and pleaded with firefighters to help, to no avail. In May of 1964, the DBCA, looking to counter CNAC’s momentum, brought George Wallace to town. CNAC continued picketing the downtown business district and issued a list of demands to the mayor and city council. Richardson’s example stirred those around her, people like Shirley S. Jackson, who couldn’t be on the front lines at the sit-ins due to concerns she’d be singled out and fired from her job at the state hospital. “Negroes, Whites Try to Storm Opposite Sections of Cambridge: Guns Drawn, Bottles Thrown as Police Hold Off Mobs,” read The Sun’s headline on July 11. At the time, the lack of access and opportunity for most of the town’s black residents—living largely on the west side of the unfortunately named Race Street, Cambridge’s unofficial dividing line—led to frustration and occasional confrontations in the working class, crabbing and canning town. In a rare moment of compromise, she arrived to the event in a jean skirt—figuring that would suffice. Two years later, she followed in horror the news accounts of Cambridge burning. “I remember thinking, ‘Why should voters decide whether we can go into a restaurant or not?’” says Richardson, who was honored during a Tribute to Negro Women Fighters for Freedom at the March on Washington. All demonstrations were banned, and bayonet-wielding troops dispersed crowds in the Second Ward. They returned to Cambridge and, with SNCC’s blessing, formed the Cambridge Nonviolent Action Committee (CNAC). The setbacks strengthened Richardson’s resolve and toughened her. RICHARDSON, Gloria B. Gloria died. protest,” Kennedy said during a press conference. Martin Luther King, Jr. underestimated her impact, too. Cambridge’s wins demonstrated how a combination of direct action protest and data could help bring resources to communities—and that a woman could be at the lead of all of it. . The students grew discouraged after a few months, when their message fell on deaf ears and their peaceful approach was met with violence. A Cambridge native who returned to town after serving in the military and living in Chicago, Banks co-founded the nonprofit Eastern Shore Network for Change (ESNC) with local attorney Kisha Petticolas in 2012. The national guard on pine street the day after the 1967 riot. Born in 1922, Richardson grew up in Cambridge, Maryland —among the few areas of the U.S. that wasn’t entirely under the reign of Jim Crow’s terror.
I feel like it’s my responsibility to embody these things for a new generation. Nevertheless, the forces she was up against were as insidious and violent as those that made Selma, AL a household name.As she witnessed youth confronting the police and refusing to post bail after being arrested in order to protest a corrupt system, Richardson committed herself to deepening her political knowledge and her own leadership.Soon, Richardson became the head of the Cambridge Movement, a multigenerational initiative that dispatched research teams throughout the community to survey black poverty and, with the help of then Attorney General Robert Kennedy, to ensure that resources flowed into the town. . Richardson initiated a series of negotiations with Robert Kennedy about the federal government’s responsibility to help Cambridge residents come out from under Jim Crow.